Abstract
This article
is a comparative analysis of the Massachusetts Child Support Guidelines. The
analysis has been prepared to provide a benchmark in the upcoming review of
Massachusetts child support guidelines.
The analysis
compares Massachusetts guidelines with other states, in terms of child support
orders produced by guideline formulae, and the methodology used in
calculations. The analysis also compares Massachusetts Child Support Guidelines
to Federally published statistics for Family Expenditures on Children.
The
information presented here demonstrates that for situations involving one child
the Massachusetts guidelines produce a support obligation that is far higher
than other states, especially in higher income demographic segments. In these
same situations, the Mass Guidelines are also higher than the amount suggested
by federal guideline statistics on expenditures for raising children. Finally,
it is shown that the formula behaves dynamically contrary to all known previous
studies on family spending on children.
Introduction
Implementation
of child support guidelines began in the 1980s. In 1984, the Federal Government
passed legislation requiring all states to establish child support guidelines.
In 1987, additional legislation was passed requiring family court judges to
make a legal “finding” to vary from guidelines. Findings are a very high legal
standard that is hard to achieve, and thus the guidelines are adhered to in
virtually all situations.
Each state has
it’s own guideline formula to determine how much child support should be paid
in a given situation. The author had heard that Massachusetts has the highest
child support guidelines in the nation. Some attorneys interviewed by the
author as background for this article bolstered this point of view. However,
each state seems to have their own constituency of child support payers that
consider their
state to have the highest guidelines.
In the upcoming
months, Massachusetts will review their child support guidelines, to ensure
adequacy and fairness. The goal of this article is to provide a benchmark by
which the state can better understand its position with the rest of the
country.
The article
draws on data published over a five year period, 1995-1999. Although this may
seem like a long period from which to base one article, it should be remembered
that child support guidelines, and other information used for this article,
have remained very stable over this period. The Massachusetts guidelines have
remained virtually unchanged in over a decade.
The article
makes numerous comparisons between spousal parties. Parties are referred to as
“Non-Custodial Parent” (“NCP”) and “Custodial Parent” (“CP”), rather than
“mother” and “father”. This convention was used because mothers and fathers can
assume the role of either non-custodial or custodial parent.
This article
would not have been possible without the generous review of some noteworthy
experts[i].
Child Support Guidelines Formulae
In most cases
child support guidelines were developed from two popular pre-existing models[ii].
They are described briefly here.
1.
Income Shares –
This is the most widely used formula, currently adopted by 75% of states[iii].
Under the income shares model, an amount of total child support is determined
based on the age of the children and the combined income of the parents.
Certain states use net income, while others use gross income. Support amounts
are usually stated in tables that are incorporated into the statute. Each
parent’s percentage share of their combined income is then determined and
applied against the total annual support amount in the guidelines table. The
Non-custodial parent’s share of the total child support amount is considered
their child support obligation to be paid to the custodial parent[iv].
2.
Gross Income –
The Gross Income method stipulates a percentage that is applied to the gross
income of the non-custodial parent to determine the child support obligation.
The percentage used can vary depending on the age of the children, income of
the parents, and other factors.
Each state has
their own customized features in their application of child support guidelines.
Massachusetts uses a variation of the Gross Income method that adjusts for
custodial parent income over $15,000. Some Gross income states use flat
percentages, while others vary the percentage according to income.
Child support
guidelines allow for variations in parental income, age of children,
and number of children, to address specific family situations. The share
of income between parents is usually considered in child support formulae, in
both the Income Shares and Gross Income models. To compute child support,
assumptions must be made for each of these variables.
Child support
is separate and distinct from alimony. Alimony is tax deductible to the payer
and taxable to the recipient. Child support is not deductible and is not
taxable. Alimony is ordered in cases where spousal support is required. By
definition, child support can only be ordered with the presence of children.
Cases often involve both alimony and child support.
The child
support order produced from each state’s formula can vary dramatically based on
the assumptions in any one case. Under a given set of assumptions, a state’s
formula might produce a result close to the median for all states. However,
when one assumption is changed, that state may become an “outlier” and appear
extreme. Assumptions for the number of children and level of parental income
greatly affect how states compare to one another, and how they compare to child
rearing cost statistics.[v]
Available Studies on State Rankings of Child
Support Guideline Orders
There are very
few studies comparing child support guidelines across the nation. However, the
following reports were located by the author. Each compares child support
guidelines for all states:
1.
Massachusetts Child
Support Guidelines: The Hidden Agenda; 1995; Dr. Henry M. Fassler
2.
Interstate Comparisons
of Child Support Orders Using State Guidelines; 1998; Maureen A. Pirog,
Professor of Public Policy Analysis, Indiana University
3.
A Comparison of Child
Support Awards Calculated Under States’ Child Support Guidelines with
Expenditures on Children Calculated by the U.S. Department of Agriculture;
1999; Laura W. Morgan, Senior Attorney for Family Law, National Legal Research
Group, and Mark C. Lino, Senior Economist, U.S. Department of Agriculture.
Although the
author cannot vouch for the integrity of all calculations of each study, a spot
check and review was conducted. The author sent away for and obtained child
support guidelines for all 50 states. A review of the calculations indicates
that calculations for all three studies are consistent with guidelines obtained
from each state, meaning that the author could at least come close to the
obligation amount determined.
Each study
calculated child support obligations by state, under various family scenarios.
Each study had its advantages and drawbacks, based on their differing
methodologies.
The Pirog
study was not ideally suited to the focus of this article in that it dealt
mostly with changes in child support guidelines over time, and was not focused
on specifically comparing states child support orders (despite the title of the
report). Additionally, the study only considered two-child scenarios.
The
Morgan-Lino study used income level scenarios mapped directly to the US
Department of Agriculture statistics for Family Expenditures on Children for
1998. An advantage of the study was that very few assumptions were made beyond
what the guideline formula required. This allowed for a more direct comparison
of the guidelines. Like the Pirog study, the Morgan-Lino study dealt only with
two-child scenarios.
The Fassler
study was limited in that it only considered one-child situations. Thus,
results could not be extended to situations dealing with two or more children,
and could not be compared directly to the other two studies located by the
author. It could also be argued that Dr. Fassler, although a very bright person
(he is a DMD) with a background in statistics, is not a nationally recognized
authority on child support, as may be said for the authors of the other two
studies.
The Fassler
Study had advantages to the author’s purposes for this article in that it
focused on Massachusetts, and compared all 50 states. The study also offered a
wide range of parental income scenarios, and in-depth documentation and data of
how calculations were performed with the results. This allowed for more expanded
analyses, which are dealt with later in the article.
The “number of
children” assumption is clearly a critical factor. The US Census Bureau
reported statistics on child support for 1996. There were 13.7 million
custodial parents in the United States, 7.6 million of which involved cases
where there was one child from the absent parent. 4.2 million families, or
about 30%, involved two child situations. Thus, at a maximum, the Pirog and
Morgan-Lino studies could only represent 30% of family situations that potentially
involve child support.
This 30% is most certainly overstated.
As the studies make additional assumptions necessary to compute child support
obligations, such as family income and ages of children, the 30% figure must by
definition decrease. The implication here is that one-child situations are by
far more prevalent than two child situations (55% versus 30%). [vi]
Both the Pirog
and Morgan-Lino studies conclude that support orders per state guidelines are
too low. This conclusion, however, cannot be extended beyond the demographic
scope examined by each of these studies, which deals exclusively with two-child
scenarios. As stated previously, this is at most 30% of all potential child
support situations in the United States. It could be argued that if only one
scenario was chosen to be most representative of the country as a whole, it
should be the one-child scenario, due to its greater prevalence within the
population (55%).
The studies
revealed a high degree of variation in state rankings depending on assumptions
made in the computation of child support orders under state guidelines. For
example, the Morgan-Lino study assumed three family scenarios as detailed
below:
|
Morgan-Lino Assumptions
|
|
Assumption (two
children)
|
Case 1
|
Case 2
|
Case 3
|
|
Annual
Gross Income of Father and Mother
|
$21,600
|
$46,100
|
$75,000
|
|
Annual
Net Income of Father and Mother
|
$20,330
|
$41,800
|
$65,480
|
|
Father’s
% of Total
|
71%
|
73%
|
71%
|
|
Mother’s
% of Total
|
29%
|
27%
|
29%
|
|
Health
Insurance premium for children
|
$654/yr
|
$1,080/yr
|
$1,050/yr
|
|
Child
Care Costs
|
$1,522/yr
|
$2,730/yr
|
$3,510/yr
|
|
Non-reimbursed
medical expenses
|
$592/yr
|
$685/yr
|
$669/yr
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
Massachusetts
Percentile
|
4%
|
78%
|
88%
|
|
Massachusetts Rank
|
49th of
51
|
12th of
51
|
7th of
51
|
For Case 1, a lower income scenario,
Morgain-Lino’s results show Massachusetts child support guidelines produce a
child support obligation that was at the bottom of the range for all states.
However, in the higher income scenario (Case 3), where gross family income was
$75,000 annually, Massachusetts was 7th. In other words, the
Massachusetts support formula produces one of the lowest child support
obligations for low-income families and one of the highest for high-income
families.
The Pirog
study calculated child support awards using the following assumptions[viii]:
|
Pirog Assumtpions
|
|
Assumption
|
Case B
|
Case C
|
Case D
|
|
Monthly
Gross Income - Father and Mother
|
$1,200
|
$2,500
|
$4,400
|
|
Father
Share
|
$720
|
$1,500
|
$2,640
|
|
Mother
Share
|
$480
|
$1,000
|
$1,760
|
|
Father’s
Union Dues
|
$30/month
|
$30/month
|
$30/month
|
|
Health
Insurance for children (paid by Father)
|
$25
|
$25
|
$25
|
|
Child
Care Costs (paid by Mother)
|
$150
|
$150
|
$150
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
Massachusetts
Percentile
|
35%
|
88%
|
96%
|
|
Massachusetts Rank
|
35th of
50
|
7th of
51
|
3rd of
51
|
Again, changes
in the assumed income of parents had a dramatic effect on the ranking of
Massachusetts among state’s child support guidelines. As with the Morgan-Lino
study, Massachusetts’ rank increased as higher incomes were assumed.
The Pirog and
Morgan-Lino studies both assumed two-child scenarios, and were consistent in showing
that Massachusetts’ rank among states rose dramatically with increases in
family income assumptions. In other words, as family income increases, the
child support obligation rises more quickly for Massachusetts than for other
states. This suggests that the Massachusetts formula behaves dynamically in a
way that is at variance with the majority of other states.
The Fassler
study dealt only with one-child situations. Rankings produced by the Fassler
study are considerably different than those indicated by the Pirog and
Morgan-Lino studies. Fassler found that Massachusetts was consistently ranked
highest in all but one income scenario tested. The logical explanation here is
that the one-child assumption causes the Massachusetts formula to behave differently
relative to other states than under the two-child assumption. Scenario rankings
for the Fassler study are as follows:
|
Summary of
Fassler Results
|
|
Non-Custodial Income
|
$70,000
|
$20,000
|
$45,000
|
$40,000
|
$15,000
|
$30,000
|
$50,000
|
|
Custodial Income
|
$30,000
|
$15,000
|
$30,000
|
$15,000
|
$15,000
|
$30,000
|
$50,000
|
|
Number of Children
|
1
|
1
|
1
|
1
|
1
|
1
|
1
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
Massachusetts Percentile
|
100%
|
100%
|
98%
|
100%
|
100%
|
100%
|
100%
|
|
Massachusetts Ranking
|
1st of 50
|
1st of 50
|
2nd of 50
|
1st of 50
|
1st of 50
|
1st of 50
|
4th of 50
|
As the rankings
indicate, the Fassler study concluded that Massachusetts had the highest child
support obligations among all states, per the state guideline formulae. As
stated previously, this result cannot be extended beyond the demographic
assumptions of the study, which is limited to one-child situations.
It should be
emphasized that the average child support obligation for all 50 states under a
given set of assumptions should not necessarily be considered the “fair”
obligation that should be paid. Many who have studied child support guidelines
feel that the prevailing models in use do not adequately determine what should
be paid. As expected, some believe that child support levels are generally too
high, and some believe levels are too low. The author does not address this
question in this article.
Effects of Cost of Living (COL)
In reviewing
the results of the Fassler study, the results were quite profound in showing
Massachusetts as being much higher than the national average. However, this
might be explained by the fact that Massachusetts is considered one of the most
expensive areas in the nation to live. To see if the high cost of living in
Massachusetts could explain the results of the Fassler study, the author
adjusted Fassler’s results to normalize for variations in cost of living. If
child support guidelines for each state were consistent with variations in cost
of living, then normalizing the child support obligations computed for each
state in the Fassler study should bring these amounts closer together. In a
“perfect world”, all states child support obligations should be the same after
being normalized for COL.
To adjust for
these effects, state by state results of the Fassler study were adjusted for
cost of living for 319 Metropolitan Statistical Areas (MSA) around the nation.
In some cases states had more than one MSA. Massachusetts has two distinct
MSA’s, Boston and Fitchburg, for which statistics were available. By adjusting for the high cost of living in
Massachusetts, it would be expected that child support obligations adjusted for
COL would fall into line with the national average. Results of the Fassler
study, adjusted for COL, are summarized in the chart below for three of the
seven income scenarios in Fassler’s study.
|
|
 |
Cost of living information
is not produced by the US Government. However, COL information is published by
the American Chamber of Commerce Research Association[ix].
Indexes are provided quarterly, and stated as variations from a national
average factor of unity (1.0). MSAs that are more expensive have Cost of Living
Index (“COLI”) factors above 1.0, while relatively less expensive areas have
factors less than 1.0. The factor for the United States as a whole is 1.0.
Major items included in the index include housing, food, and transportation.
State orders
calculated by the Fassler study were adjusted up or down, based on the COLI for
the various MSAs within their state. Typically, child support guideline
formulae are defined at the state level, as opposed to multiple regions in each
state having separate guidelines. Thus, they produce the same results across
all towns in any given state.
Based on this
analysis, it would appear that when the Fassler study results are normalized
for cost of living, the Massachusetts guideline formula still yields a result
far higher than the national average. This result holds for the
Fitchburg-Leominster area, as well as more expensive Boston.
In terms of
percentiles and rankings, Massachusetts registers at the top of the spectrum
across 319 MSAs after being normalized for Cost of Living (see below).
|
Cost of Living Analysis Results
|
|
Non-Custodial Income
|
$70,000
|
$20,000
|
$40,000
|
|
Custodial Income
|
$30,000
|
$15,000
|
$15,000
|
|
Number of Children
|
1
|
1
|
1
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
Boston Percentile
|
96th
|
95th
|
100th
|
|
Boston Rank
|
134h of 319
|
16th of 319
|
2nd of 319
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
Fitchberg-Leomenster Percentile
|
100th
|
100th
|
100th
|
|
Fitchberg-Leomenster rank
|
1st of 319
|
1st of 319
|
1st of 319
|
In summary,
the cost of living argument cannot explain Massachusetts’s ranking in Fassler’s
results.
Dynamic Analysis – Massachusetts, Connecticut, and New Jersey
To analyze the
dynamic behavior of child support formulae, Massachusetts was compared with two
other states to allow for a more thorough analysis of how guidelines behave
under various scenarios. This analysis focuses on the variability in child
support orders caused by variations in assumptions used in calculating child
support using state formulas.
New Jersey and Connecticut were chosen
as states to compare to Massachusetts. These states were chosen because they
used Income Shares guideline formulas, were similar in size to Massachusetts,
and had suburban populations near large northeast cities. Conclusions from a
comparison of these states should not be construed or extended to national
conclusions, and the author acknowledges that other states could have been
chosen. However, this comparison will show how the Massachusetts formula
behaves dynamically relative to two other states where the income shares
formula is used for computing child support orders, which is the prevalent
model used by states.
Eleven
different income scenarios were selected for the comparative analysis. One, two
and three child scenarios were run for each income level, for 33 scenarios. The
income scenarios are shown here for reference.
The first five
income scenarios were chosen to show a one-bread-winner family, where the
non-custodial parent earned as little as $15,000 per year or as much as
$100,000 per year, and the custodial parent earned no income.
The six remaining scenarios included
three situations where both parents earned the same amount and three other
scenarios where the non-custodial made exactly twice the level of the custodial
parent. A range of salaries was chosen for scenarios six through eleven.
Analysis
- Dynamic Comparison
In some
scenarios, the results were remarkably similar. In situations where the
Non-custodial parent earned $30,000, or in situations where the non-custodial
and custodial parents earned equally the same amount, child support orders were
almost the same. When the non-custodial parent earned $15,000 and the custodial
had no income, Massachusetts was actually lower than the other two states.
However, under
scenarios where the non-custodial parent earned $60,000 or more, child support
orders calculated for Massachusetts were far higher than for Connecticut and
New Jersey, in some cases by over 70%. This trend was more dramatic for
one-child situations and the disparity of results also increased as
non-custodial parent income increased. Note that these results are consistent
with results published by Fassler, Morgan-Lino, and Pirog.
The main
reason for this tendency is that the income shares method employed by New
Jersey and Connecticut identifies a level of child support that decreases as a
percentage of income, as income rises. As income rises, the percentage of total
parental income that is spent on behalf of children decreases.
The chart
above shows graphically the results of the Massachusetts, Connecticut, and New
Jersey Comparison for the one-child scenario.
Spending
on Children as Percent of Family Income
The concept
that child-rearing costs decrease as a percent of total income when incomes
rise is not new. Annual estimates produced by the USDA, as well as the study by
Betson, show that the percentage of income spent on children decreases as
income increases. These studies, and this concept, have been widely cited and
will not be repeated here in detail.
Connecticut
recognizes this concept, and has documented this as part of their child support
guidelines[x]:
By contrast, the
Massachusetts formula produces a result that increases as family income
increases. This is compounded by the effect of taxes. As taxable income
increases, marginal tax rates rise, thus decreasing net income. Thus, as income
increases, the percentage burden on the after-tax income of the non-custodial
parent increases due to increasing marginal tax rates at higher income levels.
The chart below presents a
comparison of child support obligations using Massachusetts guidelines to after
tax income, and shows that the Mass formula is in contravention with studies on
family spending.
Family income
scenarios used in this analysis were taken directly from the United States
Department of Agriculture’s estimates of Family Expenditures on Children, which
are shown here for reference and discussed in the next section. The chart shows
that while the USDA estimates of family spending on children decrease
as a percent of income, the Massachusetts child support guidelines increase.
Massachusetts versus Federal Statistics on
Child Spending
Each year, the
United States Department of Agriculture publishes “Family Expenditures on
Children”. These statistics are published as a context to be used by states
when reviewing their child support guidelines.
The statistics
take into account various expenses incurred by families, including housing,
transportation, food, entertainment, and other items. The USDA statistics are
produced to depict costs of raising children at various income levels, and in
various regions of the country.
The statistics
and the methodology used to derive them lead to many issues beyond the scope of
this article. The author does not endorse or challenge the methodology used to
derive these statistics, but merely notes that they are accepted in their use
by states to review the adequacy of state child support guidelines. That being said, it is an appropriate part
of this analysis to compare the Massachusetts guidelines with the USDA
statistics.
The
Morgan-Lino study used these statistics to compare child support guideline
orders to the USDA’s child rearing costs, looking at individual states.
Statistics published for 1998 were used in the study, and are used here for
comparability. As noted earlier, Morgan-Lino calculated child support
obligations under three family income scenarios, which were the same as the
income scenarios published in the USDA statistics. The Morgan-Lino analysis
assumed a two-child scenario throughout. The major conclusion of the study was
that child support guidelines in almost all states yielded support obligations
that were not adequate to cover the costs of raising children based on the USDA
statistics.
Rather than replicate the
Morgan-Lino study, the author ran numbers for one-child scenarios, at the same
three income scenarios published by USDA and used by Morgan-Lino. The results
were distinctly different from those of Morgan-Lino, and are presented
graphically here.
To demonstrate
this point, in the USDA scenario for family income of $90,100, family expenditures
on one child are estimated to be $15,574. However, if we assume family income
equal to $90,100 and use the Massachusetts child support guidelines, the child
support order is $25,330, or 63% higher than the USDA statistic - - no small
difference. Note that the pattern in this analysis is consistent with all three
studies compared in this article: that Massachusetts child support obligations
rise faster than other states as incomes rise.
USDA statistics for Family
Spending on Children are produced for annual periods representing the first 17
years of a child’s life. Over the first 17 years of a child's life, the amount
of child support required under Massachusetts guidelines can vary significantly
from the USDA's estimated expenditures on raising children when measured on a
cumulative basis.
The author
compared child support obligations under the Massachusetts guidelines to USDA
statistics published for 1999[xi]
for the first 17 years of a child’s life. In the lowest income scenario child
support obligations fall $85,557 short of covering expenditures, as estimated
by the USDA. However, in the highest income scenario the reverse situation
occurs: Child support obligations exceed estimated expenditures by $237,955
over a child’s first 17 years.
This is significant
because the USDA estimates are published as a benchmark for states to use in
reviewing child support guidelines. Further the above amounts are in fact
understated, because child support in Massachusetts can be ordered until a
child turns 23, which is six years beyond the age covered by the USDA
statistics.
Age of Children

No child support
comparison study would be complete without a comparison of the age at which
child support is no longer required. Each state has laws stipulating how old a
child must be to reach the age of “emancipation”, at which point child support
stops. Although not directly part of guidelines formulae, it is an important
aspect of child support law that says under what circumstances child support
must be paid. Therefore, as part of the comparison of state guidelines, it is
appropriate to compare this factor.
About 75% of
states consider that when children reach the age of 18 or 19, child support
terminates. In Massachusetts, the court may require that child support be paid
until a child reaches the age of 23, depending on whether a child attends
college. The theory is that if a child is attending college, the custodial
parent still must support the child because they are still in school and have
not entered the workforce yet.
Massachusetts and Hawaii are the only two states that can require child
support until age 23.
It should be
noted that by age 23, a “child” has been able to vote and participate in
military service for 5 years. It is widely considered that anyone over the age
of 21 has reached the age of majority, and many define majority at age 18.
Stepfamily Dynamics
Family
situations often change after a court orders child support. Almost half (46%)
of all marriages are remarriages. In about 65% of those remarriages, one or
both partners brought children from a prior relationship and thereby formed
stepfamilies. The couple may also have children in this new marriage.
Further, when
divorced parents remarry, it usually occurs within a very short period time,
usually less than one year. Hence, the circumstances under which child support
was determined only lasts for a short period.
To analyze the
effect that child support has on stepfamilies the author created a scenario of
two families. It was assumed that each family was the same size, and had the
same income:
·
Both families have two
spouses and one child.
·
Spouses in each
household had the same income as the spouses in the other comparable household.
There were three different income scenarios:
-
One Breadwinner in each
family
-
All four spouses earned
the same amount
-
One Spouse earned twice
the other spouse
The
household income scenarios for the analysis were based on the middle income
level scenarios published in the USDA’s “Expenditures on Children by Families”
for 1999.
·
Both families paid the
same in taxes, and FICA.
The single
difference between the two hypothetical families was that one family (the
“Non-Custodial Family”) paid the other family (the “Custodial Family”) child
support for the one child on the Custodial Family’s household. Massachusetts
guidelines were used to calculate child support payments.
The one
breadwinner scenario represents a traditional family structure in which one
spouse works and the other spouse stays at home to take care of the child. The
second scenario depicts a two-earner family, which has become common today.
Note that in this case, each family would most likely need to pay for
childcare. Childcare costs have not been factored into the analysis. The
incremental effect of childcare costs would be to increase child support paid
by the non-custodial family to the custodial family. This is because childcare
expenses reduce the custodial parent’s income for purposes of the formula, and
hence reduces the downward adjustment to the child support obligation.
The last
scenario might represent a family where one spouse works part time.
Analysis
Due to the symmetrical nature of
the assumptions, paying child support produces a decrease in after tax income
available to support the non-custodial family equal to the increase experienced
by the custodial family. In the case where there was one breadwinner earning
for the family, the effect of child support was dramatic on the two households.
The after tax
income available to the non-custodial family dropped by 31%, while the after
tax cash available to the custodial family increased by 31%. When these effects
are combined, the custodial family’s after tax income available for living
expenses is 90% higher than that of the non-custodial family. This does not
reflect the added cost the non-custodial family must incur for visitations, and
other “add-ons”. In effect, for two families earning the same amount and
supporting the same number of children, the Massachusetts Child Support
Guidelines produces a result that favors one family by at least 90% over the
other. Both spouses in the non-custodial family would clearly have to work in
order to maintain their standard of living.
The results
for all three scenarios are summarized in the table below.
|
Family Scenario
|
Percentage
by which custodial family after-tax income exceeds that of non-custodial
family after-tax income
|
|
One
Breadwinner
|
90%
|
|
All four
spouses earn same amount
|
18%
|
|
One spouse
earns twice other spouse
|
46%
|
The reader
should recall that for the second two scenarios, there would most likely be
childcare expense. The effect of childcare expense in the analysis would
increase the percentages above.
Discussion and
conclusions
Based on
information obtained by the author, and analysis performed using this information,
the following conclusions are supported:
·
In family situations
involving one child, Massachusetts child support guidelines produce a result
that is far higher than virtually all other states. This disparity increases as
family incomes increase, and is especially dramatic for family incomes over
$60,000.
·
Where family income
exceeds $60,000, the Massachusetts child support guidelines produce a result
that far exceeds family spending on children as reported annually by the
federal government’s USDA statistics. However, in low-income scenarios, the
result produced by the Massachusetts formula produces a result that does not
meet USDA family spending on children.
·
In lower income
scenarios where more than one child is involved, the Massachusetts guidelines
produce a result that is more consistent with other states. However, the
disparity described above emerges in high-income scenarios.
·
Massachusetts is one of
only two states that require child support to be paid until a child reaches the
age of 23, if that child elects to go to college. If one concludes that the
Massachusetts guidelines are too high, then this compounds the situation.
·
The Massachusetts
guidelines formula produces a result that increases (as a percentage of
after-tax income) as income rises. This is inconsistent with previous studies
of costs of child rearing, as well as the USDA estimates.
·
The effect of child
support on stepfamilies is dramatic, and is not addressed in the Massachusetts
child support guidelines. For one-breadwinner families, the analysis presented
by the author suggests that stepfamily households receiving child support are
favored by up to 90% over stepfamilies paying child support.
The Author
David Weden
has 20 years of Corporate Finance experience. He is a Vice President with a
major financial services company in the Boston area. He holds a Bachelors of
Science degree in Business Administration from Babson College, where he majored
in Finance and Quantitative Methods. He also holds a Masters Degree in Business
Administration from Boston University.
Mr. Weden
resides in Massachusetts with his family.